Québec’s Electoral Map: Why Fix What Isn’t Broken?

The debate over Québec’s riding redistribution raises questions that go far beyond the redrawing of a few electoral districts; it directly challenges the credibility of the province’s democratic system. The independent Commission de la représentation électorale has established a new electoral map, which is set to come into force on July 15, 2026. This redrawn map of the province’s ridings is intended, among other things, to better reflect population shifts observed in Québec in recent years.

The government, backed by all represented parties, seeks to intervene through legislation in order to increase the number of ridings from 125 to 127. The goal is to preserve certain ridings that would otherwise have been merged or modified, particularly in the Gaspé Peninsula and eastern Montreal. From a human and regional perspective, these concerns are understandable. Each riding reflects a history, identity, and distinct communities, but that does not justify elected officials altering electoral rules at the eleventh hour.

The fact that all parties in the National Assembly support the efforts to override the Commission does not necessarily make it a desirable initiative. When it comes to the electoral map, unanimity or political consensus can also become troubling if it results in elected officials collectively granting themselves the power to bypass an independent process. Quebecers can take pride in having a system of representation that is generally credible, stable and administered seriously. It is precisely that credibility that risks being undermined if the National Assembly begins intervening directly in the redrawing of ridings for political reasons.

The attempt to fast-track this legislation, without meaningful debate, was a mistake. Fortunately, one MNA intervened, preventing unanimous consent and thus forcing a discussion. Youri Chassin, now sitting as an Independent, blocked the fast-tracked adoption of the bill, reminding everyone that this touches on a fundamental element of Québec’s democracy. Chassin is right: a reform of this nature deserves better than simply being rushed through the legislative process.

Looking more broadly, the province has more pressing issues to address before it needs to add more MNAs. The National Assembly already has 125 MNAs, while Ontario has 124 MPPs, despite having a much larger population. Québec therefore already has more robust representation compared to its neighbour.

Finally, elected officials represent citizens who delegate their power to them, not the physical territory itself. It is normal for the electoral map to change over time and for regions to have representation that is relatively proportional to their population. The United States offers a clear example of what not to do: the constant politicization of electoral maps, gerrymandering and shifting goalposts according to partisan interests. Québec already has a respected, independent mechanism to adjust its representation. Politicians in the province would be better served protecting it, not weakening it.

Image Sémhur, Map of Québec within Canada.svg, Wikimedia Commons, 2011. Licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0.