François Legault’s Nationalist Turn: A Bid to Revive the CAQ’s Fortunes

With polls continuing to show his party losing ground in the province, Premier François Legault appears to be making a strong appeal to nationalist sentiment. After a cabinet shuffle that failed to lift public morale or restore confidence in the government, the Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) leader seems to have concluded that only a strong pivot back to nationalist themes can stave off the Parti Québécois, which has been leading in public opinion and growing in popularity for more than a year.

This renewed emphasis on identity and values is not entirely new territory for the CAQ. In 2019, Legault’s government introduced the controversial but popular secularism law, which forbade government-funded employees in positions of authority—teachers, judges, police officers—from wearing religious symbols. That law cemented Legault’s image as a defender of Québec’s cultural identity and “values,” particularly among francophone voters outside Montreal. Now, as Legault faces rising discontent on multiple fronts, he is relying on that same political playbook from years past.

In recent weeks, the premier has also adopted a more confrontational tone, warning that certain groups are attempting to undermine Québec’s core values and women’s equality. He has vowed to reinforce the secular nature of the state through new legislation, presenting it as a necessary step to protect the province’s freedoms and social cohesion. The government also intends to address the issue of public religious practices—including street prayers that have become more prevalent in parts of Montreal—by prohibiting them through the same suite of legislative changes. The goal is to reaffirm the idea of a neutral public space—one that reflects what Legault describes as Québec’s hard-won modern identity.

At the same time, immigration has reemerged as a dominant theme in political discourse. As public consultations continue on provincial immigration levels, the government has raised concerns about the sharp rise in temporary immigration, linking it to pressures on housing, public services, and the French language. After strong backlash from business groups, especially in regions struggling with labour shortages, the CAQ slightly softened its message. Still, few doubt that immigration will remain central to the party’s rhetoric heading into the provincial election next fall.

Adding to this nationalist momentum, Legault’s government has announced its intention to table a Québec Constitution, described by Justice Minister Simon Jolin-Barrette as both “a mirror and a shield of the Québec nation.” The project aims to consolidate the province’s fundamental principles and affirm its autonomy within the Canadian federation. While largely symbolic from a legal standpoint, it is politically significant: it allows the CAQ to position itself as the guardian of Québec’s identity and institutions, at a time when sovereignty debates remain dormant but pride in distinctiveness still resonates strongly among voters.

Cultural protection is another key component of the CAQ’s nationalist revival. The government’s new “discoverability” bill seeks to ensure that Québec-made content is more prominent on major streaming platforms. While the intent to promote local culture is broadly supported, the legislation remains vague, and its actual impact in practice is thus far uncertain. Critics question whether it will genuinely strengthen Québec’s cultural presence or simply serve as another symbolic gesture designed to resonate with nationalist voters.

When considered holistically, these legislative moves mark a clear return to the politics of identity and values that once defined the CAQ’s meteoric rise. For a premier whose popularity has been eroding due to economic challenges and political fatigue, it is a familiar and potentially effective strategy. Whether this renewed nationalist focus will rekindle Quebecers’ trust—or reinforce the impression that the government is out of ideas—remains to be seen. With a short runway until the election campaign gets underway, the premier is once again appealing to emotion over disciplined management, hoping that identity politics can still change hearts—and voter intention—where policy no longer does.